Compare and Contrast Presidents Essay

Like any two people in the world Franklin D. Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan both have their own views about war, women’s rights, gay rights, foreign policy, and many other problems facing our country. These two presidents have greatly impacted our country since they were in office. Roosevelt and Reagan have helped shape our country into what it is today. Franklin D. Roosevelt was born in 1882 in New York. He went to Harvard University and Columbia Law School. He was elected New York senate in 1910. In 1921 he was diagnosed with poliomyelitis. In 1928 Roosevelt became the Governor of New York. He was elected the 32nd president of the United States in November 1932. There were thirteen million unemployed by March and nearly every bank was closed. Roosevelt made it his main goal to restore businesses and agriculture. Three years later our nation had achieved somewhat recovery. Businessmen and bankers still blamed the horrific economy on the current president. His idea was called the Roosevelt’s New Deal program. Not too many people were thrilled about this program to say the least. He took the nation off the gold standard and allowed deficits in the budget. After this program failed, Roosevelt made a new program or Hanson 2 reform known as Social Security. This put heavier taxes on the wealthy, new controls over the banks, and a huge relief program for the economy. While Roosevelt was president he also added the United States to the â€Å"good neighbor† policy. Its main principle was that of non-intervention and non-interference in the domestic affairs of Latin America. Another goal was to keep the United States out of war in Europe. A huge event all of us know was the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. This officially got us involved in World War II. Although Roosevelt didn’t like confliction he announced a global war. Ronald Reagan was born on February 6, 1911 in Illinois. He attended Eureka College and studied economics and sociology. As Reagan grew older his political views went from liberal to conservative. In 1966 he was elected governor of California then re-elected in 1970. In 1980 Reagan won the Republican Presidential nomination then took office on January 20, 1981. He won the presidential race easily due to the inflation and secret of Americans in Iran. Only sixty-nine days later after he took office he was shot. While Reagan was in office the economy grew, inflation lessened, employment increased, and national defense was strengthened. He helped the economy by cutting taxes and government expenses. In 1984, Reagan won a second term due to his brilliance in his first. At the end of his presidency the nation had the longest period of peacetime prosperity without recession or depression. Both Roosevelt and Reagan dealt with major events involving foreign affairs. During Reagans two terms he increased defense spending 35 percent, but sought to improve relations with the Soviet Union. He attended meetings with Soviet leader Hanson 3 Mikhail Gorbachev and negotiated a treaty that would eliminate intermediate-range nuclear missiles. Reagan also declared war against international terrorism, sending American bombers against Libya after evidence came out that Libya was involved in an attack on American soldiers in a West Berlin nightclub. While Roosevelt was president he wanted to increase the influence and prestige of the United States on the world and make the country a global power. One of Roosevelt’s famous quotes was â€Å"speak softly and carry a big stick†. He was willing to use force when needed but also using persuasion instead of violence. One of the biggest foreign policies involved in his presidency was that of the Panama Canal. Roosevelt was aggressive with foreign policy and so was Reagan. During Reagans presidency the economy was in pretty good shape. The economy grew, inflation lessened, employment increased, and national defense was strengthened. He helped the economy by cutting taxes and government expenses as well. Roosevelt on the other hand wasn’t as lucky with the economy as Reagan. Roosevelt took presidency during the great depression. He had to make huge efforts and changes to try to get the economy back on track. Over the next eight years, the government instituted a series of experimental projects and programs, known collectively as the New Deal. This was aimed to restore some measure of dignity and prosperity to many Americans. Both Franklin D. Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan had very eventful office terms. They also had their differences. While Roosevelt was president the 22nd Amendment wasn’t made so the presidential term was longer than it is today. Both presidents had to deal with wars, foreign affairs, tax cuts, and reduction on government Hanson 4 spending. Also, before Reagan and Roosevelt were elected president they were Governors of states as well. Ronald Reagan and Franklin D. Roosevelt played major roles in making our country into what it is today. Without these two presidents I don’t know where our country would be. Both helped our economy tremendously, strengthen our foreign affairs, and made America a global leader. Granted they had different views on some things; they still were two great presidents. Hanson 5 Work Cited Beschloss, Michael, and Hugh Sidey. The Presidents of the United States of America. White House Historical Association, 2009. Web. . Beschloss, Michael, and Hugh Sidey. The Presidents of the United States of America. White House Historical Association, 2009. Web. . Garrison, Justin. â€Å"A Covenant with all Mankind: Ronald Reagan’s Idyllic Vision of America in the World.† Vol. 21.Issue 1/2 (2008): p34-63, 30p. Print. PIOUS, RICHARD M. Presidential Studies Quarterly. Mar2012, Vol. 42 Issue 1, p190-204. 15p. DOI: 10.1111/j.1741-5705.2012.03948.x.

Apple Business Strategy Analysis

| Brief description of PC and Smartphone’s industry Smartphones| Company| Market share| Key success factors| Android| 68,1%| * software * innovation * synchronization with google account| Apple| 16,9%| * design * style * size * capacity * software * download facility * distribution| Blackberry| 4,8%| * reliability * carrier friendly * design| Nokia| 4,4%| * price efficiency * reliability * distribution * client's service| PC| Company| Market share| Key success factors| HP| 17,2%| * reliability * client's service * hardware * fingerprint reader| Lenovo| 13,0%| * design * price friendly|Dell| 12,1%| * design * extended product line * worldwide client's support * reliability| Acer| 11,2%| * price effiency| Asus| 5,9%| * design * price friendly| Tablets| Apple| 61,4%| * design * processor * weight * storage * capacity * style| Samsung| 7,5%| * innovation * design * capacity | The worldwide sales of tablets are almost doubled in 2012 and PC market slightly decreases as a whole. Wit h the launch of iPad2 more customers switched to buying alternative device or PC looks like tablets. Apple iOS takes 61,4% of worldwide tablet sales.Samsung is on the second place with 7,5%. Resources of Apple. Potential for scale, experience and scope economies Strong know-how, RFS, RMS, new Product Development Programme, together with skilled human resources represents well integrated resources of the company. Diversified product line and high quality software and hardware allow sharing the resources of the company among existing businesses. This may create economies of scope, which saves costs. The size of the company, level of innovations, design and strong brand name gives to Apple competitive advantage.Company uses economies of scale, having achieved multi channel marketing and mostly cut the middleman and this is decreases the costs and increases the margin to Apple and consequently lower costs for the customers. Strengths of Apple. Core competencies Due to financial strength and inherited hardware and software company was able to extend product line and created a new market instead of displacing existing one. Apple relies on a new Product Development Program of Kaizen in the product offer keeping in this way high loyalty of the customers and meeting their needs.Core competence consists of constant innovations and creating added value for customers in terms of innovative design and technology Strategic fit of Apple Key success factors Core pompetence| Style| Size| Software| Download facility| Design| 5| 5| 5| 5| Quality| 5|   | 5|   | Capacity|   |   |   | 5| We observe strong fit between company’s core competencies and key success factors. Apple develops the program of constant improvement of the product as well as use experience which is resulted is extremely high performance and flourishing of the company. SWOT analysis for Apple | Opportunities;Time| | Short-medium term| Medium-long term|Strengths| Innovative Design | Strong brand L eading market position of digital market| Weaknesses| Simple immitation| Cannibalisation| Vision ; Mission Vision: * Keep leading position at the worldwide market * Focused on the future * Penetrate the markets where company can make big contribution to society Mission: * Design best personal computers * Innovations in digital music with (iPod, iTunes online stores) * Innovation of iPhone and iPad in terms of favorable market conditions * Design and develop own operating system, hardware, application software * Design new customer products with superior easy-of-use R;D Apple’s objectives Objectives: In a line with company’s mission presumably Apple is mostly focused on non-financial objectives such as constant improving of the product offer and quality of the devices, expanding of distribution network to reach more targeted customers * Innovation: shorten the innovation cycle to 12 months * Quality: Keizer mantra Apple Strategy overview | Products-markets| Vertical Int egration| Internationalization| Diversification| International Development| Expansion of distribution hannels creat best pc, portable digital music, mobile communication, iPad3| Vertical integration into retail combined with online store and iTunes Store| Growth shift outside US because of global demand for iPhone, iPads mainly to Asia Pacific, Europe, Japan Apple Stores expansion aimed internationally| increasing number of iOS devices – iPhones Macs iPads iPods| Mergers;Acquizition  | Security hardware and software for PCs and mobile devicesFlash memory| AuthenTecAnobit (Israel) |   -|   -| Strategic Alliances  | Market alliances in the supply chain and designn development|   -|   -|   -|In terms of Mergers ; Acquisitions company tends to have conservative trends. Company leaves to be more focused on innovative technologies to make their product unique.

Characteristics of Developing Countries - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 15 Words: 4522 Downloads: 7 Date added: 2017/09/15 Category Advertising Essay Did you like this example? The theme of this essay is: the importance of a study of other semi-developed countries as they struggle for economic growth, the elimination of mass poverty and, at the political level, for democratisation and the reduction of reliance on coercion. New countries are finding their voices in all sorts of ways and are managing to interest an international audience. South Africa is not least among them; contemporary international consciousness of the travail of our particular path towards modernity testifies at least to a considerable national talent for dramatic communication and (for those who care to look more deeply) a far from extinct tradition of moral conscientiousness. One aspect of this flowering is a rapidly growing crop of social scientific studies of semi-developed countries of which this university is fortunate to have a substantial collection, contained mainly in the library of Jan Smuts House. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Characteristics of Developing Countries" essay for you Create order From this literature, one can extract five themes of particular interest. The first is the problem of uneven development and effective national unification, especially in deeply divided societies. Capitalist development has impinged on semi-developed countries from outside rather than transforming slowly from within, incorporating different groups in different ways. Particular problems arise when differential incorporation coincides in substantial measure with boundaries between ethnic groups. If Donald Horowitzs remarkable study of ethnic groups in conflict is right, more energy goes into attempting to maximise differences in the welfare of in groups and out groups than into maximising their joint welfare, with adverse consequences for the possibilities of building the national political and economic institutions required for development. Gordon Tullock has argued that this is an additional reason for preferring market-based rather than state-led economic growth in deeply divided societies. In itself it is, but the secondary effects of different paths on distribution have to be taken into account. In so far as they lead to worsening differentials between groups, the possibility of heightened conflict is created. The only long-term hope is to make ethnic boundaries less salient; the happiest outcome would seem to be when ethnicity becomes decorative in a high income economic environment. This is likely to be the work of decades, perhaps of centuries; even so, appalling retrogressions always seem to remain possible. The consequence of deep divisions is that there is likely to exist an unusually large number of prisoners dilemma situations. The prisoners dilemma arises when partners in crime are apprehended and held separately. The prisoners will be jointly better off if they do not inform on each other, but each prisoner will be better off if he informs on the other, while the other does not inform on him. Attempts at individual maximisation may lead to both prisoners informing on each other which leads to the worst joint outcome. The dilemma arises because of the absence of the opportunity for co-operation. ) Under such conditions, negotiation skills are at a premium. There are also advantages in the acceptance of a deontological liberal philosophy which (in the shorthand of political philosophers) places the right over the good. This involves seeking to regulate social relations by just procedures while leaving individuals as free as possible to pursue their own, diverse conceptions of the good life. Such an enterprise has a better chance of success if its conception of justice implies that attention should be paid simultaneously to the reduction of poverty. The analytical Marxist, Adam Przeworski has analysed analogous problems which arise in the case of severe class conflict. In his view, social democratic compromises are held together by virtue of the propensity of capitalists to reinvest part of their profits with the effect of increasing worker incomes in the future. Class compromise is made possible by two simultaneous expectations: workers expect that their incomes will rise over time, while capitalists expect to be able to devote some of their profits to consumption. In conditions of severe class conflict, these expectations about the future become uncertain, time horizons shorten, workers become militant, capitalists disinvest and political instability results. Three forms of resolution are available: stabilising external intervention, negotiation or renegotiation of a social contract or the strengthening of the position of one or other class by a shift towards conservatism or revolution. Przeworskis sternest warnings are to Marxists who assume that revolution and the introduction of socialism is the inevitable outcome of a crisis. The second theme in the literature on semi-developed countries has to do with their position within the world economy. Three related sub-themes can be identified. Firstly, there has been a debate about the forms and limits of the diffusion of industrialisation. Dependency theory now somewhat out of fashion, since its predictions of severe limitations on industrialisation in developing countries have been falsified asserted that relationships between developing and developed countries are such as to keep the latter in perpetual economic subordination. The contrary thesis that advanced industrial countries have had to deal with increased competition arising from quite widespread diffusion now seems more plausible. Lester Thurow, for instance, has argued that the increase in inequality in the United States since the late 1970s is not to be attributed either to the Reagan administrations tax welfare policies nor to demographic change, but to intense international competitive pressures coupled with high unemployment. Secondly, some theorists have asserted that a process of the globalisation of capital unprecedented opportunities for international movement of short-term and long-term capital has removed the possibilities of national reformism (i. e. lass compromise reached at the level of the nation state) and is ushering in a period of global class conflict. If there is any truth in this hypothesis at all, it would have to be qualified both by a careful study of precisely how the capital (and trade) flows of the 1980s differed from those of earlier periods and the sorts of changes in national policy choices capable of delivering a broadly-based rise in living standards which follow from these di fferences. Even if some options may have disappeared, it does not follow that new ones are not available. Finally, there has been a preoccupation with the problems of structural adjustment (in both developed and developing economies) necessitated by a changing international environment. Structural adjustment is a subject for both economic and political analysis. At the economic level the issues of maintaining macroeconomic balance, changing industrial and manpower policy and protecting the poor against a period of deflation which is or seems to be necessary in many cases, all have to be considered. Political problems arise when it comes to the distribution of the burdens of adjustment and the creation of new capacities for development. Lack of ability to handle structural adjustment problems can lead to a variety of outcomes, from the shifting of a large part of the burden of change to future generations (as both the United States and Brazil have done in recent years), to loss of control at the macroeconomic level leading to rapid drops in living standards, hyperinflation and/or defaults on international obligations, political instability and even regime change. Identification and study of the capacities available to avoid undesirable outcomes are of considerable interest. The third theme in the semi-developed country literature is that of the relationship between economic inequality and political conflict. Characteristically, semi-developed countries have more unequal distributions of income between households than developed countries. It used to be thought that inequality peaked at the intermediate stage of development, partly because of limitations of the spread of education (and therefore of human capital) and partly because low-paying sectors continued to account for a substantial proportion of employment. Recent evidence has thrown doubt on the view that inequality necessarily increases during the early stages of development; it is much clearer that it tends to decrease during the later stages. The relationship between economic inequality and political conflict is also complex: studies of cross-national correlations between indicators of the two phenomena have led to unclear, even contradictory results. One reasonably robust result is that revolutions at a relatively early stage of development have much to do with inequality in land holdings. But coherent fmdings in semi-developed countries are virtually non-existent. Part of the reason for this is mindless number-crunching with insufficient attention paid to the theoretical tradition dealing with conflict and revolution. There is probably quite a lot to be said, for instance, for the Hobbesian view that the proximate cause of violent conflict is itself political in the form of the weakening of the power of the state. Economic factors may also matter, but among these, income distribution may be relatively unimportant and improvements may play as significant a role as deterioration. Rational actor models of regime change have recently appeared in the political science literature. John Roemer, for instance, conceives of revolution as a two person game between the present ruler (whom he calls the Tsar) and a revolutionary entrepreneur, whose name is Lenin. In his attempt to ovethrow the Tsar, Lenin can propose redistribution of the fixed pie of income. The Tsar can announce a list of penalties which define what each agent who chooses to join Lenin will forfeit, should the revolution fail. Each possible coalition of the population has a probability of succeeding in making the revolution, depending on its size and composition. Lenin chooses the income redistribution which maximises the probability of overthrowing the Tsar and the Tsar in turn chooses the list of penalties which minimises this maximum value. The solution to this minimax game defines the instability of the regime, i. e. the probability tht it will be overthrown. From game theoretical results, Roemer is able to draw conclusions about the strategies of the players according with experience. For instance, the Tsar will treat the poor harshly and let off the rich lightly if the conditional probabilities of revolution by coalitions are the least bit sensitive to the penalties announced. Lenin, on the other hand, will only propose a progressive redistribution of income as his optimal strategy under some circumstances. Highly probable revolutions are highly polarised revolutions. Lurking in this literature is also the issue of whether a coherent distinction can be made between revolutions and other forms of regime change, but exploration of that issue would require a lecture of its own. The fourth theme in the semi-developed country literature concerns the bearers of the capacities for economic development. In no society are these likely to be located wholly within the state or within the private sector. Instead, rather complicated networks able to mount major initiatives may straddle both the public and private sectors. In some semi-developed countries described as bureaucratic authoritarian, it may even be the case that some parts of the state continue to act with leading components of the private sector to manage economic development, while other parts of the state induce periodic crises by losing macro-economic control. Two debates in political science are relevant here. The first concerns the nature and functions of civil society. In its classical use by Adam Smith and Hegel, civil society refers to a social system sufficiently productively advanced and regulated by morality and law to be able to support both the division of labour and the institution of private property. Hegel throws in the police and the civil service as regulators of last resort for good measure. The term civil society has been taken up in recent South African debate, sometimes in a rather quaint fashion one contributor to a recent seminar defined it as consisting of the trade unions, civics, the SA Council of Churches and the Kagiso Trust! Marxists have criticised liberals for representing the interests of a part as the good of the whole; liberals, it seems, are not the only people capable of making that mistake. A more interesting redefinition of the term has been proposed by Michael Lipton who reserves for it institutions forming neither part of the state nor part of the market, but whose influence may make both state and market function more efficiently. The original definitions are probably the most useful; in terms of them, the strengthening of civil society is indeed a prerequisite for development. It amounts to developing new specialisations, to building institutions with new capacities and to creating the attitudes and legal framework necessary to support these endeavours. Much of the time, these changes will evolve from existing resources and capacities. But there are also periods of rapid and discontinuous change in which the positions of major groups within societies are fundamentally changed. This amounts to a social and economic revolution, which may or may not be accompanied by a political revolution. At the analytical level, the classical Marxist conflation of the social, economic and political processes is a serious distortion. At the political level, versions of the Marxist formulation have been used to represent the most grinding political oppression as inaugurating social and economic emancipation. The second political debate is about corporatism. This refers to a situation in which powerful organised interests play a major role in political life as opposed to individuals organised into political parties in a liberal democratic system. Indeed, to the liberal ear, the term corporatism has an authoritarian sound about it. Powerful organised interests, of course, exist in liberal democracies but these function as interest groups with no formal political status. Corporatism emerges when political institutions are shaped to include them. An important distinction needs to be drawn between democratic corporatism where these arrangements are subject to choices made by the electorate in regular elections and authoritarian corporatism where they are not. Fascist Italy and some Latin American countries provide examples of the latter and the European democracies examples of the former. The mildest form of corporatism is probably tripartite institutions comprised of trade unions, employer organisations and state departments. These participate in the determination of macroeconomic and/or labour market policy in advanced industrial countries, the whole process being described as that of a social contract. Democratic corporatism is subject to changes depending on changes of opinion within the electorate; particular forms put together by left of centre governments are often modified or dissolved by succeeding conservative governments. Authoritarian corporatism, on the other hand, produces an oligarchical system based on deals between elites which sometimes deliver stability and economic growth, quite possibly for long periods of time, but which are not subject to popular approval. Indeed, they are characteristically accompanied by a substantial degree of repression. In this way they contain divergences of interest which would rip liberal democracies apart. Even in democracies, corporatist arrangements display a degree of inertia; it appears from the recent literature that the welfare state has been more resistant to conservative dismantling in European countries in which corporatist arrangements have been well developed. They also deliver control; it has also been suggested that corporatist structures (as well as a highly competitive configuration) in the labour market result in lower real wages than collective bargaining between employers and industry-wide trade unions. Democratic systems in which linguistic, religious and ethnic identities perform the function of corporations are referred to as consociational and have some of the same authoritarian logic as corporatist systems. The final theme of interest in the literature on semi-developed countries is that of the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule, the subject of a major scholarly enterprise directed from the Woodrow Wilson International Centre at Princeton University about a decade ago. Alfred Stepan pointed out that there are a number of distinctive paths leading to democratiastion: in some, warfare and conquest play an integral part, as in Europe after the Second World War. Here, three sub-cases can be distinguished: internal restoration of democracy after external conquest, redemocratisation after a conqueror has been defeated by external force, and externally monitored installation of democracy. In others, the termination of authoritarian regimes is initiated by the wielders of authoritarian power themselves. In yet others, oppositional forces play a major role in terminating authoritarian rule via diffuse protests by grass-roots organisations, general strikes and general withdrawal of support for the government, by the formation of a grand oppositional pact, possibly with consociational features, by organised violent revolt co-ordinated by democratic reformist parties or by Marxist-led revolutionary war (though the latter has usually led to the installation of an authoritarian successor regime). These are all ideal types with rather different dynamics; any actual process is likely to contain elements of more than oue ideal type. In a companion piece, John Sheahan observes that economic policy in support of democratisation must meet two conflicting requirements. On the one hand, economic growth requires the ability to limit claims which would seriously damage efficiency or outrun productive capacity. On the other, policy must deliver sufficient fulfilment of the expectations of politically aware groups to gain and hold their acceptance. Both external economic circumstances and internal political conflicts are capable of rendering impossible the striking of a viable balance between these requirements, with the result that the process of democratisation aborts. The position is complicated in countries which have a long history of import substitution resulting in high levels of protection but which now need to re-orient themselves in order to promote exports. In such cases, the timing of structural adjustment and increases in domestic demand pose tricky problems of economic management. The overall objective must be to permit the most rapid and broadly based rise in domestic demand while maintaining external balance, subject to the constraints arising from the structure of the domestic labour market. Part of successful management must involve the greatest possible exploitation of new willingness to co-operate induced by the democratisation process itself. Adroit proposals are needed which reduce initially high risks and increase incentives to support economic growth among the principal parties at each stage in the process. Some reconceptualisation of interests is essential. Intelligent international support allowing constraints to be relaxed at crucial junctures is also of considerable importance. It is sometimes supposed that the transformation of an authoritarian regime into a democracy is a fragile process, for the success of which a range of necessary conditions has to be present. In particular, it is argued both that a democracy has small chance of survival if it does not deliver social and economic improvements for the population at large and that democracies are unable to administer the economic medicine required by crisis conditions. A recent study of Latin American countries since 1982, however, finds that democracies not only handled economic crises as effectively as authoritarian regimes; they also achieved a far better record of avoiding acute crises in the first place. The puzzle turns out not to be the fragility of democracy, but its vitality. The suggestion is that both the behaviour of political elites and their followers has been misdescribed. On the one hand, democratic governments that displace highly repressive or widely discredited authoritarian regimes may count on a special reserve of political support and trust to carry them through economic crises. On the other, elected officials may understand the self-defeating nature of enhancing their legitimacy by delivering material payoffs to the bulk of the population, even at the cost of financial disaster. So far, this lecture has not been about South Africa, but has been concerned to identify intellectual resources which might be used when thinking about South African problems. Time permits only a sketchy application of some ideas to our present circumstances. Let me start from the economic side. One of the more encouraging features of our economic evolution in the last few years is that, although real per capita incomes have declined, the evidence suggests that the distribution of income has improved to such an extent that the proportion of households in poverty did not increase in the years between 1985 and 1990 and probably declined slightly despite a drop in real per capita incomes. The burden of the decline has been borne by the relatively well-to-do if not by the very rich. This trend is unlikely to be sustained in the face of further economic decline. On the contrary, the prospects for the poor will be served by rapid economic growth; far from there being a conflict between growth and equality in South Africa, the two processes will reinforce each other, especially given appropriate policies. In the light of the importance of a widespread improvement in standards of living to the sustenance of the process of democratisation, it is in the interests of all parties who desire a negotiated settlement to support developments which increase growth. But where is this growth to come from? All the contemporary evidence suggests that the balance of payments is critical. It is possible to argue in theoretical terms that there ought to be no such thing as a balance of payments constraint. But there is no policy purchase to be had from a static comparison between our present situation and a superior one. A path from the one state to the other has to be specified. There are two difficulties in doing so. Firstly, the path to a better state depends on what other countries are doing. Prisoners dilemmas certainly exist at the level of international trade as the very existence of the GATT system testifies. Secondly, since the process has to be supported politically, the distribution of the costs of adjustment borne by domestic actors has to be taken into account. Either the costs have to be imposed unilaterally by the exercise of political power or compensation has to be negotiated, assuming sufficient gains from liberalisation have been captured domestically. Studies of interest group battles over the determination of the various aspects of balance of payments policy is certainly a topic in political economy. Another major determinant of macroeconomic policy in recent years is the desire of the state not to make itself vulnerable to international sources of political pressure through loss of control over external balances. This would have meant risking the loss of control over the timing and extent of concessions. Monetary policy, for instance, has been mainly discussed in terms of domestic variables, notably the rate of inflation. But avoidance of adverse developments on the short-term capital account must always have been a major consideration. Here, analysis of domestic interest groups does not help at all; it will take favourable developments on international markets or purposeful risk reduction to permit a more expansionary policy. The second issue involves efficiency gains from improved taxation and expenditure policy. So far, a discussion of the economic role of the state has largely consisted of old-fashioned arguments over size and ownership, which have been driven by (often imaginary) conceptions of political interest. But a determined effort to raise popular living standards will require quite a different approach. Its principal component will be a restructuring of government expenditure, particularly that relating to social services, urban infrastructure and rural development in order to create new opportunities for formerly discriminated against or excluded groups. As Professor McGrath has observed, there are more gains to be had from restructuring the expenditure side of government economic activity than from changes on the revenue side. There are both normative and positive approaches to this question. The positive approach would observe that the restructuring of state expenditure is already under way and would seek to relate it to two developments, significant from the point of view of public choice theory: first, the lowering of the income of the median voter associated with the introduction of the tricameral parliament and secondly, the rise in power of the extraparliamentary movement. The latter has led to a growing expectation of its political incorporation via the universal franchise leading to an anticipatory set of adjustments. A normative approach could be based on an investigation of what is required to minimise an appropriate measure of poverty. At the political level, an advance in the positive account of what our political system is becoming is most urgently needed. Accounts of competing normative positions and the similarities and differences between them abound. So do narrative accounts of particular political episodes. But a deeper analysis of fundamental concepts power in its various aspects, the nature and dynamics of transition, the incentives facing various actors and their strategic choices, the real scope and prospects for legality and, above all, whether steering capacities are being lost or gained by the political system virtually all remain to be carried out in a convincing fashion. On the quality of the terms on which the new public order is created will depend the efficacy with which the private sector can function and evolve. For this reason and because it requires rather more than animal spirits, it is the quality of what goes on in the public sector that is the test of the degree of civilisation achieved in any society. History may be servitude, history may be freedom. Liberalism is nothing if not the defence of freedom. The South African liberal tradition has two components, borne by two rather different social groups. Business liberalism presents a robust, generally optimistic face (though subject to a degree of affective disorder during the recessionary phases of the business cycle); all things considered, it has done quite well during the past decade, playing a considerable role in the dismantling of coercive political structures. But business liberalism represents only a part essentially the material progress part of a rich tradition. It has been left to an always fragile and now almost extinct missionary and philanthropic liberal tradition to try and interpret its cultural aspects. The clearest defences of this part of the liberal tradition in South Africa have been the most poignant contrasts of visions of freedom with the imposition of new forms of servitude a missionary bishop denouncing colonialism in its most brutal, shortsighted form, a professor of philosophy foreseeing with harsh clarity the consequences of the political rise of Afrikaner nationalism. Against the intolerant, coercive forces in our midst, liberalism would do well to take its stand on the two central concepts of Immanuel Kants moral philosophy: individual autonomy and universalisation. Unshackling individual fates from state-imposed racial identities is a great step forward to the achievement of individual autonomy. But the liberal programme will not be realised if social structure continues to dominate individual capacities in determining what people may become. The creation of an open political system and attending to poverty are both central. There are many who claim that the denial of the former is an essential requirement for achieving the latter. Neither international experience nor a close reading of our domestic circumstances support such a view. Universality equality of respect is always and everywhere a greater problem, since, unlike autonomy, it is not an interest but an acknowledgement of the interests of others. Great cultural heterogeneity makes it even harder to achieve; in South Africa, moreover, the destructive logic of ethnic conflict (which militates against the habit of counting each person as one) has not yet come to an end. There are many fields of action, many forms of life; the prospects for liberalism now depend on people coming to see attachment to their own fields of action in a broad enough perspective not only to tolerate others, but to enjoy them.

Language As A Symbolic Communication System - 1952 Words

Language is something that we need and use for everything in our lives. Language is, â€Å"a symbolic communication system that is learned instead of biologically inherited.† (O’Neil, 2006). Language is communication that is either written down or spoken in words or sentences. We need to have a good understanding of language to learn, work and for our normal lives. You need to know language to be able to communicate with other people. Language has structure and meaning, for example words and sentences. Language also had tone, pitch, pace and volume. There are several types of language, receptive language, expressive language, emergent language. Receptive language is how you receive and understand language and expressive language is how†¦show more content†¦Being numerate means having the confidence and skills to use numbers in all aspects of life. Language, Literacy and Numeracy are all interdependent. Comparliative numeracy is e.g. big, bigger and S uperlative is e.g. biggest. Children learn their numeracy skills through play with adults, these adults can be parents/carers, practitioners, child minder’s etc. Numeracy also means being able to work out â€Å"charts and diagrams, process information, solve problems, check answers, understand and explain solutions, and make decisions based on logical thinking and reasoning.† (National Numeracy, 2014) It is important to support the development of language, literacy and numeracy at this early stage as it forms the basis for each child’s future learning needs and ability and will also allow you to observe and understand if there is a need for additional support. It will also help children to grow and to become confident, educated individuals and succeed in their life goals. The developmental stages of language are; pre-linguistic stage, one-word stage, two or three-word utterances, more complex sentences, further development between 3-4, and further development between 4 and 5. In the pre-linguistic stage from birth to 1 year, babies can tell the difference between voices and other sounds, they can start to use sounds such as ‘dadadadada’ or ‘mamamamama’. In the one-word stage from 12 to 18 months young children can have a variety ofShow MoreRelatedIntercultural Communication : A Discourse Approach1225 Words   |  5 PagesChapter one - Intercultural communication: A discourse approach Intercultural communication: A discourse approach attempts to explain the discourse approach and points to the authors distinction between cross-cultural communication and intercultural communication. The chapter underlines the authors approach and theory to intercultural communication. It covers several explanations and the distinction between cross-cultural communication and intercultural communication. The chapter discusses theRead MoreSymbolic Interactionism Was Proposed By J. Mead1440 Words   |  6 PagesThe theory of symbolic interactionism was proposed by J. Mead. He identifies two levels of interaction: non-symbolic and symbolic. The difference between them is that non-symbolic interaction is a characteristic of living nature, whereas a symbolic interaction is common for human society only. The scientist believed that people react not only to the actions of others but also to their intentions. It means that they unravel the intentions of other people, analyzing their acti ons, putting themselvesRead MoreLanguage As A Form Of Communication Essay1388 Words   |  6 Pagesbehaviors, languages, customs, the things we produce and the methods we use to produce them. The human ability to create and transmit culture is what differentiates us, as humans, from the rest of the animal world. The essential feature of culture, that it is learned and transmitted from one generation to the next, rests on the human capacity to think symbolically. Language, perhaps the most important feature, is a symbolic form of communication. Language is a form of communication. Without language, cultureRead MoreEvolution Of Language And The Brain1447 Words   |  6 Pageshas published 2 major books The Symbolic Species: The Co-Evolution of Language and the Brain† and â€Å"Incomplete Nature: How Mind Emerged from Matter† also coauthored several books and articles revolving semiotics. The book I will be mainly focusing on is The Symbolic Species, which tackles on h is theory of the co-evolution of language and the brain. He has 3 tasks in this book first, differentiates human mode of reference (symbolic reference), versus the non-symbolic references found in nonhuman speciesRead MoreThe Main Assumptions Underlying Bourdieu s Conception Of Language1213 Words   |  5 Pagesassumptions underlying Bourdieu’s conception of language. †¨ Pierre Bourdieu was a sociologist who was concerned with mainly the dynamics of power in society. Bourdieu believes language is a mechanism of power alongside a method of communication. According to Bourdieu, the language one speaks will vary across different social backgrounds. By this we mean that if an individual is from a lower social class, they are expected to speak the fundamentals of the language however, if an individual is from an upperRead MoreEssay about Herbert Blumers Symbolic Interactionism1326 Words   |  6 PagesHerbert Blumers Symbolic Interactionism THE THEORY Symbolic Interactionism as thought of by Herbert Blumer, is the process of interaction in the formation of meanings for individuals. Blumer was a devotee of George H. Mead, and was influenced by John Dewey. Dewey insisted that human beings are best understood in relation to their environment (Society for More Creative Speech, 1996). With this as his inspiration, Herbert Blumer outlined Symbolic Interactionism, a study of human group life andRead More What Makes Us Human?1718 Words   |  7 Pagesbegin with primates, however through evolution we developed unique characteristics such as larger brain sizes, the capacity for language, emotional complexity and habitual bipedalism which separated us from other animals and allowed us to further advance ourselves and survive in the natural world. Additionally, humans have been able to develop a culture, self-awareness, symbolic behavior, and emotional complexity. Human biological adaptations separated humans from our ancestors and facilit ated learnedRead MoreSociology Functionalism and Symbolic Interaction1494 Words   |  6 PagesFunctionalism and Symbolic Interaction. Sociologists analyse social phenomena at different levels and from different perspectives. From concrete interpretations to sweeping generalizations of society and social behaviour, sociologists study everything from specific events, the micro level of analysis of small social patterns, to the big picture, the macro level of analysis of large social patterns. Sociologists today employ three primary theoretical perspectives: the symbolic interactions perspectiveRead MoreThe Importance Of Cognition And Its Impact On Human Cognition1249 Words   |  5 Pageshumans unique is our cognition. We are the coherent mammals and the one important characteristic that truly measures our nature is that we are a representational group. Humans are truly unique because of our human cognition, including are language and symbolic thought. First, what is cognition? Cognition is how an individual comprehends and behaves within this world. It is a cluster of capabilities or procedures that are a fragment of approximately each individual action. These reasoning abilitiesRead MoreNoteabilitypro Essay929 Words   |  4 Pagesdetailed by its author [Hammel, 2006], the communication and its textual representation was specifically designed to be transparent to the Max/Msp environment creating a highly dependence with this specific computational framework. This dependence occurs in both the symbolic representation and software architecture levels which constrains the preservation of scores created using this environment. 2.2.2 Antescofo Antescofo is a score-following system that enables to code interactions between the

Hpv Vaccine Should Be Mandatory - 1684 Words

HPV is by far the most common sexually transmitted infection in the United States. Per the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 50 percent of all sexually active men and women will get it at some point in their lives, and 20 million already have it. A vaccine is available that prevents 70% of cervical cancers that arise from sexual intercourse. The human papillomavirus is unknowingly common and is diagnosed in 10,000 women a year, causing 4,000 deaths per year (â€Å"HPV Question and Answers†). If we take the responsibility to vaccinate young girls and boys, to be safe, we can eliminate many unnecessary deaths. This vaccine is a great discovery that should be put to good use, the HPV vaccine should be mandated in young teens everywhere. The HPV virus has gone unseen by many until the recent controversy over the vaccine. However, this virus is thought to be one of the world’s most wide spread STD’s. â€Å"According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), about 6.2 million women and men are newly infected every year† with HPV. HPV has over 100 strains, with more than thirty that are sexually transmitted. Some of these strains are known to cause cervix, vulva, vagina, anus, or penis cancers and others can cause genital warts. â€Å"Studies have found the vaccine to be almost 100% effective in preventing diseases caused by the four HPV types covered by the vaccine—including precancers of the cervix, vulva and vagina, and genital warts† (â€Å"HPV Questions andShow MoreRelatedShould Hpv Vaccines Be Mandatory?1513 Words   |  7 PagesJosie Caskey Honors Rhetoric Dr. Margaret Murray 20 April 2015 Should HPV Vaccines Be Mandatory? The debate over the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccines represents two very controversial topics in healthcare in America, mandatory vaccination and teenage sexuality. Currently the two approved vaccines, Gardasil and Ceravix, are designed to protect against the sexually transmitted virus HPV. Because these vaccines have their greatest benefit when given before a person becomes sexually active, theRead MoreHPV: The Most Common Sexually Transmitted Infection Essay1539 Words   |  7 Pagestransmitted infection (STI) is human papillomavirus (HPV) (CDC, 2013). Over half of sexually activity people will become infected with HPV at some point in their lifetime (National Cancer Institute, 2012). HPV can fall into two categories: low-risk HPV and high-risk HPV (National Cancer Institute, 2012). Low-risk HPV, also known as HPV types 6 and 11, cause about 90% of genital warts (National Cancer Institute, 2012). High-risk HPV, also known as HPV types 16 and 18, causes about 70% of cervical c ancerRead MoreThe Human Papillomavirus ( Hpv )1266 Words   |  6 PagesThe Human Papillomavirus (HPV), a sexually transmitted disease (STD), is the most common sexually transmitted disease in the United States with about 14 million cases each year. There are two different types of HPV: low-risk and high-risk. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), â€Å"more than 90 percent and 80 percent, respectively, of sexually active men and women will be infected with at least one type of HPV at some point in their lives. Around one-half of these infectionsRead MoreHuman Papillomavirus ( Hpv )763 Words   |  4 Pages1. Human papillomavirus (HPV) is a group of around 150 viruses. Some HPV types can lead to wart formation and other types can lead to cancer; primarily cervical, vaginal, vulvar, penile, anal, and Oropharyngeal cancer (1,2) 2. HPV is so common that one out of four people (~80 million) are currently infected in the US. Around 14 million people, teens and adults, become infected with HPV every year. (1,2) 3. HPV can be obtained through vaginal, anal, or oral sex with someone who has the virus. (2)Read MoreHuman Papillomavirus ( Hpv ) Vaccine Essay1229 Words   |  5 PagesPapillomavirus (HPV) Vaccine My niece is 11 years old and my sister-in-law is being pressured from doctors, friends, and even the news media to give her a certain type of vaccination called HPV, Gardasil being the most common. At the end of our conversation, she mentions that at least she has a choice and turned to me, saying you may not have a choice when your kids are that age. I was stunned and she goes on to tell me how the government is trying very hard to make this particular vaccination mandatory. UponRead MorePreventing Cervical Cancer with the HPV Vaccination652 Words   |  3 PagesHPV vaccination is the most common used method for preventing cervical cancer in young girls ranging from age nine to eleven years old. The overall perception of the vaccine is positive by the public because of its wide use and support by state laws, school systems and medical associations. According to the American Pediatric Association the vaccine has an excellent safety record. (Nirvi,1) A reasonable amount of parents still feel skeptical about mandatory HPV vaccination on their kids and lackRead MoreIntroduction. The Very Controversial Issue Being Discussed956 Words   |  4 Pagesvery controversial issue being discussed in this debate is the question should vaccinations such as HPV be mandated for teenage girls? Two different views are offered. This controversy began when the issue was introduced to the real world in 2006. The FDA announced a prophylactic vaccine against 4 strains of HPV. Most importantly is the fact that this vaccination has about a 70% protection against cervical cancers linked to HPV. More CDC recommends routine vaccination for 11-12-year-old girls. ItRead MoreIntroduction:. Hpv Vaccinations Have Been An Ongoing Debate1033 Words   |  5 PagesIntroduction: HPV vaccinations have been an ongoing debate; whether the vaccine is worth being administered to young girls is the fundamental question and if so at what cost. The primary reason I selected this topic is that HPV is a common virus complicated and often misunderstood infection; nearly 80 million people, about one in four are currently infected in the United States. Background: HPV is a class of more than 150 related viruses. Each HPV virus in this vast body receives a number whichRead MoreThe HVP Vaccine: Analysis Essay799 Words   |  4 Pagescentury, making it mandatory to receive Hep A and Hep B along with the other countless vaccines; however there is one that has been tried to make mandatory among girls, and it’s the HPV vaccine that is used to prevenet cervial cancer. In order to illuminate the public on the subject, two writers, health advocate Mike Adams and journalist Arthur Allen, discuss the key points on the vaccine. While both adams and allen have clearly pronounced distinct opnions on the legislation of the vaccine, both come toRead MoreThe HPV Debate Essay699 Words   |  3 PagesCervical cancer is met with a vaccine with both pros and cons to suppress and annihilate it indefinitely. Although both Mike Adams and Arthur Allen inform the audience of the HPV vaccine, Adams vigorously argues, without evidence, that the vaccine is danger ous to humans while Allen is more sedate and discusses opposing sides to the vaccine. The HPV vaccine has its pros and cons to people that it has created debates to come down to the conclusion of a better solution for the drug companies and the

Effects of Violent Video Games free essay sample

The author gives ample explanation on evidence used from his sources to give the optimal understanding to the reader of the results and/or findings given by the sources. The article connects to the modern age of gamers with examples from big name video games popular with today’s video gamers. Although Mr. Carey does give evidence that violent video games have been found to give short term negative effects he does reassure the reader through quotes and statements from his sources that no studies show consistent long term effects. The claim of the author about the research on the effects of violent video games is strongly supported and backed through his use of rhetorical appeals and scholarly evidence. Even though Mr. Carey is not an expert in this field of study his experience as a veteran of scientific writer, having written for Science Times and The New York Times for over 10 years, shows through his very valuable and knowledge sources that he quotes and uses examples from in this article. The author uses quotes from various researchers and scientist throughout this article such as economist, psychologist, and doctors all valuable sources that share the opinion of his claim. Mr. Carey then goes on to connect his sources statement with the ethos appeal by explaining their authority. Craig A. Anderson, a psychologist at Iowa State University, is an expert in his field of study which is the effects of violent media, including video games, on today’s adolescents. Mr. Carey uses the quote â€Å"None of these extreme acts, like a school shooting, occurs because of only one risk factor; there are many factors, including feeling socially isolated, being bullied, and so on,† from Dr. Anderson to support his claim by showing that most blame of violent outbreaks in society are blamed on one single thing, like video games, but if you look at the studies there are some many different factors that affect the behavior of today’s society. The author then goes on to say â€Å"Most researchers in the field agree with Dr. Anderson evidence and findings,† which establishes an accepted respect of authority for his source. This gives the reader a feeling of comfort in knowing that these sources are scholarly and can be trusted. Another source used by the author explains a recent experiment by psychologists at Iowa State University have found that after a short usage of the fighting game â€Å"Mortal Kombat† that they indeed acted slightly more aggressive shortly following the experiment but ultimately couldn’t find any results in long term effects. Mr. Carey states â€Å"Many similar studies have found the same thing: A dose of violent gaming makes people act a little more rudely than they would otherwise, at least for a few minutes after playing, but little is found about what actually follows,† this gives more support to his claim by displaying that his claim is the generally accepted and agreed upon opinion of most scholars in this field of study. Throughout the article the author gives each of his source’s full detailed background to explain why they are creditable and trustworthy sources. Mr. Carey’s use of providing credentials and authority to all his sources is used to give his claim creditability and make the reader respect his opinion. The author uses evidence from his sources throughout the article to connect logic thinking to his claim which goes along with the rhetorical appeal of logos. Mr. Carey uses real life situations to appeal to the reader’s logic so his claim makes more logically sense and can be backed easier. The author says â€Å"Many psychologists argue that violent video games â€Å"socialize† children over time, prompting them to imitate the behavior of the game’s characters, the cartoonish machismo, the hair-trigger rage, the dismissive brutality. Children also imitate flesh and blood people in their lives, of course — parents, friends, teachers, siblings — and one question that researchers have not yet answered is when, exactly, a habit is so consuming that its influence trumps the socializing effects of other major figures in a child’s life,† this statement from Mr. Carey used to bring all real life situations such as socializing, cartoon and video games characters, parents, etc. all together and uses that to how is claim is the logic choice when evaluating all these things in your life. The author then goes on to state, â€Å"Yet it is not at all clear whether, over longer periods, such a habit increases the likelihood that a person will commit a violent crime, like murder, rape, or assault, much less a Newtown-like massacre. (Such calculated rampages are too rare to study in any rigorous way, researchers agree. † which makes the reader really think logically about how much of an impact that video games has on violent behavior in today’s society. The author uses these examples which most people find to be the worst types of violent behavior in a way that is not charged or an error in logic because the way he uses them makes us thinking on a more realistic and deep level about how they are connected to violent video games. Mr. Care y tries to use every angle he can throughout his article including the rhetorical appeal of pathos through his use of tragic recent events and other statements that would make most readers feel on an emotional level. At the start of the article the author says, â€Å"The young men who opened fire at Columbine High School, at the movie theater in Aurora, Colo. , and in other massacres had this in common: they were video gamers who seemed to be acting out some dark digital fantasy. It was as if all that exposure to computerized violence gave them the idea to go on a rampage — or at least fueled their urges,† which for many readers hits directly on their heart strings because of how tragic the events he listed were and the toll they put emotional on most people in the United States when they happened. Mr. Carey uses this statement in such a way to really get the reader’s attention to his article that some other article may not because of how it connects with the reader’s emotions. Next the author states, â€Å"The issue is especially relevant today, because the games are more realistic and bloodier than ever, and because most American boys play them at some point,† which might makes most parents reading this article to think about their children especially those with boys about how the games they are playing effects them. This is another effective way the author uses the reader’s emotion to connect with his central claim about video games. Benedict Carey’s article â€Å"Shooting in the Dark† is effectively used by him to support his claim that there are no serious long term negative effects found from violent video games in today’s research. The author used rhetorical appeals of ethos, logos, and pathos throughout his entire article to good effect with me the reader. With Mr. Carey’s ethos appeal of giving all his sources a high base authority by backing them with ample background crediting and evidence gives the reader a feeling of comfort when reading. In his logos appeal Carey appeals to the reader’s logic by using real life situations that most readers would face in their everyday lives to connect his claim about video games into a normally logical way of thinking for the reader. Lastly Mr. Carey appeals to the reader’s emotion in his article by touching on recent tragic events and facts that effect children as to connect to the reader’s more emotional side. Overall I feel the author’s use of rhetorical appeals and solid scholarly sources gives the reader a very trust worthy and valuable take on the argument about the true effects that violent video games play on today’s society. Works Cited Carey, Benedict. Shooting in the Dark. The New York Times. N. p. , 11 Feb. 2013. Web. 20 Mar. 2013.

Liberalization privatization globalization free essay sample

Privatization, also spelled privatisation, may have several meanings. Primarily, it is the process of transferring ownership of a business, enterprise, agency, public service or public property from the public sector (a government) to the private sector, either to a business that operate for a profit or to a non-profit organization. It may also mean government outsourcing of services or functions to private firms, e. g. revenue collection, law enforcement, and prison management. [1] Privatization has also been used to describe two unrelated transactions. The first is the buying of all outstanding shares of a publicly traded company by a single entity, taking the company private. This is often described as private equity. The second is a demutualization of a mutual organization or cooperative to form a joint stock company. [2] Primary Objectives: The following are the primary objectives which have been defined in the Government’s policy statement on Parastatal Sector Reform: Improve the operational efficiency of enterprises that are currently in the Parastatal sector, and their contribution to the national economy; Reduce the burden of Parastatal enterprises on the Government budget; Expand the role of the private sector in the economy, permitting the Government to concentrate public resources on its role as provider of basic public services, including health, education and social infrastructure; and Encourage wider participation by the people in the ownership and management of business. We will write a custom essay sample on Liberalization privatization globalization or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Secondary Objectives: In so far as their pursuit is consistent with the primary objectives, the CHC intends to ensure that divestiture meets the following secondary objectives: to create a more market-oriented economy; to secure enhanced assess to foreign markets, to capital and to technology; to promote the development of the capital market; and to preserve the goal of self-reliance. There are four main methods[citation needed] of privatization: 1. Share issue privatization (SIP) selling shares on the stock market 2. Asset sale privatization selling an entire organization (or part of it) to a strategic investor, usually by auction or by using the Treuhand model 3. Voucher privatization distributing shares of ownership to all citizens, usually for free or at a very low price. 4. Privatization from below Start-up of new private businesses in formerly socialist countries. Choice of sale method is influenced by the capital market, political, and firm-specific factors. SIPs are more likely to be used when capital markets are less developed and there is lower income inequality. Share issues can broaden and deepen domestic capital markets, boosting liquidity and (potentially) economic growth, but if the capital markets are insufficiently developed it may be difficult to find enough buyers, and transaction costs (e. g. underpricing required) may be higher. For this reason, many governments elect for listings in the more developed and liquid markets, for example Euronext, and the London, New York and Hong Kong stock exchanges. Secured borrowing Some privatization transactions can be interpreted as a form of a secured loan[3][4] and are criticized as a particularly noxious form of governmental debt. [3] In this interpretation, the upfront payment from the privatization sale corresponds to the principal amount of the loan, while the proceeds from the underlying asset correspond to secured interest payments – the transaction can be considered substantively the same as a secured loan, though it is structured as a sale. [3] This interpretation is particularly argued to apply to recent municipal transactions in the United States, particularly for fixed term, such as the 2008 sale of the proceeds from Chicago parking meters for 75 years. It is argued that this is motivated by politicians desires to borrow money surreptitiously,[3] due to legal restrictions on and political resistance to alternative sources of revenue, viz, raising taxes or issuing debt. History The history of privatization dates from Ancient Greece, when governments contracted out almost everything to the private sector. [7] In the Roman Republic private individuals and companies performed the majority of services including tax collection (tax farming), army supplies (military contractors), religious sacrifices and construction. However, the Roman Empire also created state-owned enterprises—for example, much of the grain was eventually produced on estates owned by the Emperor. Some scholars suggest that the cost of bureaucracy was one of the reasons for the fall of the Roman Empire. [7] Perhaps one of the first ideological movements towards privatization came during Chinas golden age of the Han dynasty. Taoism came into prominence for the first time at a state level, and it advocated the laissez-faire principle of Wu wei ( ), literally meaning do nothing. [8] The rulers were counseled by the Taoist clergy that a strong ruler was virtually invisible. During the Renaissance, most of Europe was still by and large following the feudal economic model. By contrast, the Ming dynasty in China began once more to practice privatization, especially with regards to their manufacturing industries. This was a reversal of the earlier Song dynasty policies, which had themselves overturned earlier policies in favor of more rigorous state control. [9] In Britain, the privatization of common lands is referred to as enclosure (in Scotland as the Lowland Clearances and the Highland Clearances). Significant privatizations of this nature occurred from 1760 to 1820, coincident with the industrial revolution in that country. Potential Benefits of Privatisation 1. Improved Efficiency. The main argument for privatisation is that private companies have a profit incentive to cut costs and be more efficient. If you work for a government run industry, managers do not usually share in any profits. However, a private firm is interested in making profit and so it is more likely to cut costs and be efficient. Since privatisation, companies such as BT, and British Airways have shown degrees of improved efficiency and higher profitability. 2. Lack of Political Interference. It is argued governments make poor economic managers. They are motivated by political pressures rather than sound economic and business sense. For example a state enterprise may employ surplus workers which is inefficient. The government may be reluctant to get rid of the workers because of the negative publicity involved in job losses. Therefore, state owned enterprises often employ too many workers increasing inefficiency. 3. Short Term view. A government many think only in terms of next election. Therefore, they may be unwilling to invest in infrastructure improvements which will benefit the firm in the long term because they are more concerned about projects that give a benefit before the election. 4. Shareholders It is argued that a private firm has pressure from shareholders to perform efficiently. If the firm is inefficient then the firm could be subject to a takeover. A state owned firm doesn’t have this pressure and so it is easier for them to be inefficient. 5. Increased Competition. Often privatisation of state owned monopolies occurs alongside deregulation – i. e. policies to allow more firms to enter the industry and increase the competitiveness of the market. It is this increase in competition that can be the greatest spur to improvements in efficiency. For example, there is now more competition in telecoms and distribution of gas and electricity. However, privatisation doesn’t necessarily increase competition, it depends on the nature of the market. E. g. there is no competition in tap water. There is very little competition within the rail industry. 6. Government will raise revenue from the sale Selling state owned assets to the private sector raised significant sums for the UK government in the 1980s. However, this is a one off benefit. It also means we lose out on future dividends from the profits of public companies. Disadvantages of Privatisation 1. Natural Monopoly A natural monopoly occurs when the most efficient number of firms in an industry is one. For example tap water has very significant fixed costs, therefore there is no scope for having competition amongst several firms. Therefore, in this case, privatisation would just create a private monopoly which might seek to set higher prices which exploit consumers. Therefore it is better to have a public monopoly rather than a private monopoly which can exploit the consumer. 2. Public Interest There are many industries which perform an important public service, e. g health care, education and public transport. In these industries, the profit motive shouldn’t be the primary objective of firms and the industry. For example, in the case of health care, it is feared privatising health care would mean a greater priority is given to profit rather than patient care. Also, in an industry like health care, arguably we don’t need a profit motive to improve standards. When doctors treat patients they are unlikely to try harder if they get a bonus. 3. Government loses out on potential dividends. Many of the privatised companies in the UK are quite profitable. This means the government misses out on their dividends, instead going to wealthy shareholders. 4. Problem of regulating private monopolies. Privatisation creates private monopolies, such as the water companies and rail companies. These need regulating to prevent abuse of monopoly power. Therefore, there is still need for government regulation, similar to under state ownership. 5. Fragmentation of industries. In the UK, rail privatisation led to breaking up the rail network into infrastructure and train operating companies. This led to areas where it was unclear who had responsibility. For example, the Hatfield rail crash was blamed on no one taking responsibility for safety. Different rail companies has increased the complexity of rail tickets. 6. Short-Termism of Firms. As well as the government being motivated by short term pressures, this is something private firms may do as well. To please shareholders they may seek to increase short term profits and avoid investing in long term projects. For example, the UK is suffering from a lack of investment in new energy sources; the privatised companies are trying to make use of existing plants rather than invest in new ones. Evaluation of Privatisation It depends on the industry in question. An industry like telecoms is a typical industry where the incentive of profit can help increase efficiency. However, if you apply it to industries like health care or public transport the profit motive is less important. It depends on the quality of regulation. Do regulators make the privatised firms meet certain standards of service and keep prices low. Is the market contestable and competitive? Creating a private monopoly may harm consumer interests, but if the market is highly competitive, there is greater scope for efficiency savings. Liberalization In general, liberalization refers to a relaxation of previous government restrictions, usually in areas of social or economic policy. In some contexts this process or concept is often, but not always, referred to as deregulation. [1] Liberalization of autocratic regimes may precede democratization (or not, as in the case of the Prague Spring). In the arena of social policy it may refer to a relaxation of laws restricting for example divorce, abortion, or drugs and to the elimination of laws prohibiting same-sex sexual relations or same-sex marriage. Most often, the term is used to refer to economic liberalization, especially trade liberalization or capital market liberalization. Although economic liberalization is often associated with privatization, the two can be quite separate processes. For example, the European Union has liberalized gas and electricity markets, instituting a system of competition; but some of the leading European energy companies (such as EDF and Vattenfall) remain partially or completely in government ownership. Liberalized and privatized public services may be dominated by just a few big companies particularly in sectors with high capital costs, or high such as water, gas and electricity. In some cases they may remain legal monopoly at least for some part of the market (e. g. small consumers). Liberalization is one of three focal points (the others being privatization and stabilization) of the Washington Consensuss trinity strategy for economies in transition. An example of Liberalization is the Washington Consensus which was a set of policies created and used by Argentina There is also a concept of hybrid liberalisation as, for instance, in Ghana where cocoa crop can be sold to a variety of competing private companies, but there is a minimum price for which it can be sold and all exports are controlled by the state. [2] Economic liberalisation in India From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Jump to: navigation, search The economic liberalisation in India refers to ongoing economic reforms in India that started on 24 July 1991. After Independence in 1947, India adhered to socialist policies. Attempts were made to liberalize economy in 1966 and 1985. The first attempt was reversed in 1967. Thereafter, a stronger version of socialism was adopted. Second major attempt was in 1985 by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The process came to a halt in 1987, though 1966 style reversal did not take place. [1] In 1991, after India faced a balance of payments crisis, it had to pledge 20 tons of gold to Union Bank of Switzerland and 47 tons to Bank of England as part of a bailout deal with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In addition, the IMF required India to undertake a series of structural economic reforms. [2] As a result of this requirement, the government of P. V. Narasimha Rao and his finance minister Manmohan Singh (currently the Prime Minister of India) started breakthrough reforms, although they did not implement many of the reforms the IMF wanted. [3][4] The new neo-liberal policies included opening for international trade and investment, deregulation, initiation of privatization, tax reforms, and inflation-controlling measures. The overall direction of liberalisation has since remained the same, irrespective of the ruling party, although no party has yet tried to take on powerful lobbies such as the trade unions and farmers, or contentious issues such as reforming labour laws and reducing agricultural subsidies. [5] Thus, unlike the reforms of 1966 and 1985 that were carried out by the majority Congress governments, the reforms of 1991 carried out by a minority government proved sustainable. There exists a lively debate in India as to what made the economic reforms sustainable? [6] The fruits of liberalisation reached their peak in 2007, when India recorded its highest GDP growth rate of 9%. [7] With this, India became the second fastest growing major economy in the world, next only to China. [8] The growth rate has slowed significantly in the first half of 2012. [9] An Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) report states that the average growth rate 7. 5% will double the average income in a decade, and more reforms would speed up the pace. [10] Indian government coalitions have been advised to continue liberalisation. India grows at slower pace than China, which has been liberalising its economy since 1978. [11] The McKinsey Quarterly states that removing main obstacles would free India’s economy to grow as fast as China’s, at 10 percent a year. [12] There has been significant debate, however, around liberalization as an inclusive economic growth strategy. Since 1992, income inequality has deepened in India with consumption among the poorest staying stable while the wealthiest generate consumption growth. [13] For 2010, India was ranked 124th among 179 countries in Index of Economic Freedom World Rankings, which is an improvement from the preceding year.